Women’s Reservation Bill: A decades-long journey towards gender parity in Indian politics

On Wednesday, the Women’s Reservation Bill, now known as the Nari Shakti Vandan Adhiniyam, was passed in the Lok Sabha with 454 votes in favour and two against the Bill. The Bill was put to a vote since it was a constitutional amendment and the division of votes was done manually, with the signing of coloured chits. In recent times, the Indian political spectrum has witnessed revived debates and discussions on the long-standing demand for a Women’s Reservation Bill (WRB). This piece of legislation has made a journey spanning several decades and aims to reserve one-third or 33% of the seats in state Legislative Assemblies and Parliament for women, with a sub-reservation within this quota for Scheduled Castes (SC), Scheduled Tribes (ST), and Anglo-Indians. This endeavour has not been without its own set of triumphs and roadblocks, navigating through political commitments and contestations.

The Inception of a Revolutionary Proposal

The initial seeds for the WRB were sown in May 1989 when Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi introduced a constitutional amendment bill aimed at reserving a substantial percentage of seats for women in rural and urban local bodies. Although the bill was temporarily halted in Rajya Sabha, it re-emerged under the administration of Prime Minister PV Narasimha Rao in 1992 and 1993, resulting in law endorsing a 33% reservation for women at the panchayat level. On 12 September 1996, the Deve Gowda-led United Front government introduced the 81st Constitution Amendment Bill in Lok Sabha to herald women’s representation in the Parliament. While the bill initiative encountered difficulties, it spearheaded an unyielding movement championed by subsequent governments in the face of political impasses.

Relentless Efforts under Vajpayee
Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee fervently pursued the endorsement of the WRB, engaging in a series of initiatives spanning from 1998 to 2003. Despite the unyielding opposition from parties including the Samajwadi Party and the Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD), the government persisted in its commitment to fostering gender parity in Indian politics. This comprised several historical moments including the spirited presentation by Law Minister M Thambi Durai in the Lok Sabha in 1998 and an array of discussions, reconstructions, and reintroductions of the bill in subsequent years. Yet, the period was also marred by vehement objections and dramatic protests including an incident where RJD MP Surendra Prasad Yadav tore the copy of the bill, citing a dream guided by Dr Bhimrao Ambedkar as the impetus behind his action.

A Renewed Hope in Recent Times
While the efforts of the Vajpayee government were punctuated with interruptions, the UPA government under Manmohan Singh rejuvenated hopes as it steered the bill through various legislative phases, finally witnessing its passage in the Rajya Sabha in 2010. Unfortunately, despite crossing significant milestones, the bill was marred by dissensions and disruptions and ultimately lapsed in 2014, with the dissolution of the Lok Sabha. After Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s government took up the mantle, Law Minister Arjun Ram Meghwal presented the 128th Constitutional Amendment in the Lok Sabha, spotlighting a mission close to its 27-year journey. The nation waits with bated breath as the government seeks to operationalise a legislative masterpiece striving to enhance women’s representation to one-third in parliamentary and state Assembly seats.

Crux of the Debate
While the ethos of the WRB is anchored in promoting gender equity, it has encountered a labyrinth of arguments and counterarguments, traversing through discussions on affirmative action, electoral reforms, and representation dynamics. Critics argue that it would inhibit women’s competition on merit and divert attention from pressing electoral reform concerns.
Moreover, the complexity of implementing reservations within the current electoral system and the calls for a nuanced understanding of caste-group dynamics add layers to the discourse. Proponents of the bill underscore the transformative potential of increasing women’s representation, drawing from empirical evidence on the positive repercussions witnessed in panchayats. They assert that it holds the key to nurturing a more inclusive and participatory democratic landscape, ensuring that the voices of women are echoed in corridors of power.

Steps towards an Inclusive Future
In a nation where women have historically faced impediments, the WRB is a beacon of hope, illuminating the path towards a more inclusive and egalitarian society. It recognizes the potential that can be unleashed through fostering female representation in the political arena, and a step towards rectifying historical disparities. The Women’s Reservation Bill, with its visionary commitments, beckons a future where women are not just spectators but vibrant participants steering the Indian democratic ship towards uncharted horizons of inclusivity, equality, and progress.
With the rejuvenated initiatives of the Modi government, the Bill has become landmark legislative victory that promises a more representative and egalitarian democratic landscape. The WRB, beyond a legislative endeavour, emerges as a moral imperative, guiding the nation towards a future steeped in equality and justice. It remains to be seen how the contemporary politics and society shape the fate of this legislation, and vice-versa, with a hopeful eye on a future of increased representation and participation of women in the highest echelons of Indian politics.

A TIMELINE OF THE BILL

• 1987: Rajiv Gandhi constitutes a committee that recommends the reservation of seats for women in electoral bodies.
• 1992: PV Narasimha Rao’s government passes the 73rd and 74th Constitutional Amendment Acts, mandating 33.3% reservation for women in Panchayati Raj Institutions.
• 1996: Deve Gowda-led United Front government tables the first women’s reservation bill, seeking reservation in one-third of seats for women in Parliament and state legislatures.
• 1997: IK Gujral’s government holds two rounds of all-party meetings, consequently facing disapproval from OBC leaders that May. Bill lapses after Congress withdraws support
• 1998: Atal Bihari Vajpayee’s government tables the bill. Outrage sparks when RJD MP Surendra Prakash Yadav snatches the Bill from Law Minister M Thambi Durai’s hand and tears it. Yadav is supported by Lalu Prasad and Mulayam Singh Yadav.
• 1999: Bill lapses again after Jayalalithaa withdraws support from the BJP government. Law Minister Ram Jethmalani introduces the Bill in the winter session amid massive outrage and disruptions by RJD and SP leaders.
• 2003: Vajpayee’s government calls an all-party meeting to garner consensus and support for the reservation but faces disruptions. Under Vajpayee, the Bill is introduced a total of six times.
• 2008: The UPA government introduces the Bill in Rajya Sabha to reserve one-third of all seats for women in Lok Sabha and the state legislative Assemblies, including one-third of the seats reserved for SCs and STs.
• 2010: The Bill is approved and passes in Rajya Sabha. However, it never comes up in Lok Sabha and ultimately lapses.
• 2014 and 2019: The BJP mentions the Bill in both its election manifestos.
• 2023: In a historic move, Law Minister Arjun Ram Meghwal introduces the Bill during a joint parliamentary session, the first ever in the new Parliament building.